Psychological struggles of minorities in the land of the free

Download as a Word Document The s were marred by the worst economic depression in the history of the United States. Politically the nation was transformed dramatically, leaving behind a much different federal government and a much stronger executive branch. The most fundamental change, however, was the social and psychological impact that the Great Depression had on people. Not everyone lost their farm in the Dust Bowl and not everyone lost their life savings following the stock market crash; the Great Depression did, however, touch everyone's life.

Psychological struggles of minorities in the land of the free

Read the Introduction Introduction: The Future Has A Past "The unmistakable roots of the universal solidarity of the colored peoples of the world are no longer 'predictable' as they were in my father's time - they are here.

Examining Afro-Chicano politics from the s to the present, I reveal the radical anti-racist and egalitarian cultural politics that helped nurture and sustain working class alliances, intellectual advances, and cultural practices that challenge traditional boundaries of race, space, and region.

These politics have resulted in critical inter-ethnic challenges to structures of dominance in Los Angeles, making this story relevant to the history of diverse urban political cultures in every American city.

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Relationships between African Americans and Mexican Americans in Los Angeles from World War II to the present have been characterized by both conflict and coalition, by antagonisms and alliances.

The histories of these two groups have been linked in the city of the Angels and all across the nation by parallel but not identical histories of labor exploitation, housing segregation, and cultural demonization. Yet while sharing the experiences of containment and confinement, Black and Brown people have also been pitted against each other constantly, manipulating by a white power structure to competing with each other for jobs, housing, prestige, and political power.

Sharing struggles, spaces, and sounds has enabled Black and Brown people to work together for social justice in Los Angeles over the decades. This is a story of both continuity and rupture. Although racism persisted, resistance always existed. Different eras posed different problems and provoked different solutions.

The racial order and racial landscape of today's neoliberal global city is very different from that of the high employment and high wage metropolis of the s and Yet in the midst of enormous changes and transformations, Black and Brown residents of Los Angeles used the physical places they inhabited and the discursive spaces they imagined to assert their common humanity and forge shared struggles grounded in mutuality and solidarity.

The political histories of these aggrieved communities entailed the creation of cultural forms that served as key conduits for the collective aspirations of disaffected youth in every generation. The key point underlying this book is that contemporary, multiracial struggles for social justice did not emerge in a vacuum.

They deserve to hear and tell a better story about themselves as people and as a collective seeking freedom; a better story than the one that now dominates the discourse on Black-Brown relationships.

In other words, the just future envisioned by radical social actors and multiracial movements has a past. I advance here a concept that I call "spatial entitlement," a way in which marginalized communities have created new collectivities based not just upon eviction and exclusion from physical places, but also on new and creative uses of technology, creativity, and spaces.

In many instances overlooked by social historians, everyday reclamations of space, assertions of social citizenship, and infrapolitical struggles have created the conditions for future successes in organized collective movements.

They were also "diagnostic" of authority: Kelley, I suggest that spatial entitlement illuminated the "complex interworkings of historically changing structures of power.

The variety of strategies enacted by working class youth to imagine and articulate new modes of social citizenship have been underestimated as a site and mode of scholarly inquiry. In the face of persistent repression, particularly in the meaningful spaces of interracial congregation, these actions can be studied as a barometer of the power relationships between oppressed and oppressors.

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Taken together, they constitute a philosophy of action that allowed the futures of Black and Brown people to be considered in the same lens of possibility. Spatial entitlement provides a means for understanding how working class communities and individuals secure or create social membership, even when the neighborhoods and meaningful spaces of congregation around them are destroyed.

Spatial entitlement requires an alternative understanding and construction of the meaning of citizenship. Traditionally, citizenship is defined in terms of social membership in a particular society or national identity. In this regard, Rogers Smith has argued that "citizenship laws literally constitute - they create with legal words - a collective civic identity.

They proclaim the existence of a political 'people' and designate who those persons are as a people, in ways that often become integral to individuals' senses of personal identity as well. The United States' use of citizenship as a qualifying category of national belonging reveals an unsavory legal history.

Time and again, rather than endowing citizenship with affirmative characteristics of national membership, United States has historically defined its citizens not as much by who they are, but by who they are not: When these exclusions constitute the conditions for citizenship, the "civic myths" that inevitably arise as nations define why persons form a people can become what Smith argues are "noble lies And they are often likely to be so The Dred Scott v."A racial, ethnic, religious, or social subdivision of a society that is subordinate to the dominant group in political, financial, or social power." The tendency of societies or groups within society to alienate or repress different subcultures is a recurrent theme in human history.

Psychological struggles of minorities in the land of the free

Classified as. Non-assimilable minorities usually fulfill a special psychological function for the majorities: They become "Suitable Targets for Externalization" (or projection) of the majority population's negative feelings and images (Volkan, ). One of the most neglected aspects of the national question discourse in Nigeria is on the role of land as a site and source of conflicts, especially given the increasing demand for its redistribution and reform in the periods before and after the implementation of the structural adjustment programme.

Psychological struggles of minorities in the land of the free

Children will ask, "Mommy, what's a unicorn?" Women and minorities will be forced to seek alternative hallucinations. Korean war must continue: Hawaiian federal judge declares Trump's peace effort unconstitutional gender, and class power struggles over multibillion-dollar budget China plans to land on Moon or at least on cheap knockoff.

For example, according to census data in the United Kingdom, only 38% of students eligible for free lunch earned at least five grades in between an A and a C in their General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) scores, compared to 65% of their wealthier counterparts (Bush, ).

The Psychological Needs of U.S. Military Service Members and Their Families: A Preliminary Report American Psychological Association Presidential Task Force on Military Deployment Services for Youth, Families and Service Members.

Identity Politics, Feminism, and Social Change